Current Position: Special envoy to the gulf and southwest Asia (since Feb. 2009)
Career History: Counselor and Ziegler distinguished fellow of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy (since 2001); Middle East coordinator under President Bill Clinton (1993 to 2001); Director, State Department’s Policy Planning office (1989 to 1993)
Birthday: Nov. 26, 1948
Hometown: Marin County, Calif.
Alma Mater: UCLA, B.A.; UCLA, M.A.
Spouse: N/A
Religion: Jewish
Web site
Why He Matters
No one knows the highs and lows of diplomacy better than Ross.
He spent 12 years in the George H.W. Bush and Clinton administrations trying to create a permanent agreement between the governments of Israel and the Palestinian territories, only to see the talks disintegrate in 2000.
Ross found a home at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, but stayed involved in politics and is considered one of America’s most talented statesmen. He was a Middle East adviser to President Barack Obama during the 2008 campaign and helped Obama draft his speech at the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) Policy Forum, where Obama outlined his support of Israel and a commitment to preventing Iran from building nuclear weapons.
Ross will serve as a special envoy to the Gulf and southwest Asia, including Iran.Path to Power
Ross was born in San Francisco and grew up in Marin County, Calif. He was raised by a Jewish mother and Catholic step-father.
He received both undergraduate and graduate degrees from the University of California, Los Angeles, where he studied political science and the Soviet Union. While a student, he volunteered on the presidential campaigns of Democratic Sens. Robert Kennedy and George McGovern. Though he was not religious growing up, Ross said the 1967 Middle East war strengthened his Jewish identity. He told the Washington Monthly “intrinsically, I believed Israel had a right to exist” though he later also came to see that country’s policy of building settlements in the West Bank as “wrong and misguided.”
In 1981, he was named to President Ronald Reagan’s national security staff as the director of Near East and South Asian Affairs. He left that appointment to serve as executive director of the Berkeley-Stanford program on Soviet International Behavior from 1984 through 1986.
He was the director of the State Department’s Policy Planning office during President George H. W. Bush’s term. In that role, Ross worked with Secretary of State James Baker to convince Arab and Israeli leaders to attend a Middle East peace conference in Madrid.
Soon after Bill Clinton was sworn in as president in 1993, he appointed Ross to the position of Middle East coordinator, making Ross the top negotiator for peace between Israel and Palestinian territories. During the years-long ordeal that followed, Ross was constantly on call, often excusing himself early from family holidays or attempting to negotiate a truce.
He was able to obtain a handful of provisional agreements, including one convincing Israeli troops to withdraw from some West Bank cities. But he could not achieve a permanent agreement.
Some, including former President Jimmy Carter and Obama supporter Dan Kurtzer, have accused Ross of being pro-Israel in the negotiations.(3)The Missing Peace, Ross acknowledged that he was often the strongest defender of Israel’s positions. In his book The Missing Peace, Ross acknowledged that he was often the strongest defender of Israel’s positions.The Network
On the campaign trail, Ross traveled frequently with Daniel Shapiro, Daniel Kurtzer, a lifelong diplomat, and Jewish vote director Eric Lynn.
As one of Obama’s top advisers, Shapiro met regularly with Anthony Lake, Richard Danzig, Susan Rice, Scott Gration, Denis McDonough, Mark Lippert, Samantha Power, and Ben Rhodes.
Special Advisor to Secretary of State
Ross was appointed Special Advisor for the Gulf and Southwest Asia for Secretary of State Hillary Clinton on February 23, 2009. According to Israel National News, Ross is seen as a strongly pro-Israel.
The Issues
Ross preaches the importance of statecraft, which involves diplomacy, occasional military action and a “well-planned temper tantrum.”(10)
He has criticized the George W. Bush administration’s policy of using negotiations as a “reward for good behavior” and is generally supportive of attempting talks with state actors, though he has said it is important to carefully consider whether to “legitimize non-state actors by sitting down with them.”
Institute for Near East Policy
After he left government in 2000, Ross headed up Washington Institute for Near East Policy, a hawkish think tank with a pro-Israeli bent. His close association with pro-Israeli organizations has caused some to speculate that he was out of the negotiating business for good.
He has taught at Brandeis University, Georgetown University and the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University. He founded the Kol Shalom synagogue in Rockville Md. with New York Times columnist Thomas L. Friedman in 2002.(5)
Barack Obama’s 2008 presidential campaign called Ross in April 2007 to ask for his advice on the Middle East. Ross told Obama foreign policy adviser Anthony Lake that he was happy to talk to Democrats on a non-exclusive basis. But the Obama campaign called Ross more than anyone else, he said, and he soon took a position as its official adviser.(6)
Ross’s addition was seen by many as a way for Obama to shore up his support among Jewish voters.(7) He helped write Obama’s AIPAC address.
Ross accompanied Obama on a trip to Israel, after meeting with leaders in advance to ensure that Obama’s discussions went smoothly.(8) In the weeks since the election, senior Israeli officials have continued to contact Ross to discuss the country’s priorities and their hopes for the new administration.Israeli-Palestinian Peace Talks
Ross is an expert on peace negotiations, and he has argued that the U.S. must be more consistently involved in drafting a deal between the two governments. He believes reopening the peace process between Israel and the Palestinian territories must be a top priority for Obama.
Ross believes that the next negotiator should tie Israeli withdrawals to promises of future peace in that location, so that any time Israeli forces withdraw from an area in Gaza or the West Bank, Palestinians take responsibility for preventing violence there.
He is opposed to unilateral withdrawal and argues that when Israel left Lebanon unilaterally in 2000, Hezbollah only grew stronger.(12)
He has opposed setting a timeline for the creation of a Palestinian state.
He is supportive of efforts to begin peace talks with Syria over the Golan Heights region, and says that Washington should consider offering “significant” economic incentives to the country in order to prevent it from forming an alliance with Iran.(13)
He supports Israel’s right to build a wall to protect itself, though he believes the building should be temporary and should impact Palestinians as little as possible.(14)
Iran
Ross believes Iran is one of the biggest threats to U.S. interests, and that they must be stopped from "going nuclear."
In a Newsweek piece, Ross wrote "Iran has continued to pursue nuclear weapons because the Bush administration hasn't applied enough pressure - or offered Iran enough rewards for reversing course."(15)
Ross supports a dual-pronged strategy of increasing diplomatic engagement while at the same time strengthening sanctions to prevent Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons. He has called on the Obama administration to sanction things that would affect the broader economy, like natural gas.(16)
He has called for incorporating Saudi Arabia and other countries in the peace process.(17)
Iraq
Though Ross was initially in favor of the war with Iraq, he now supports a withdrawal from the country. He has called U.S. presence there “unsustainable” and would like to see some of the troops now in Iraq invested in Afghanistan and Pakistan, a position Obama expressed often during the presidential campaign.
Key Associates
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Dennis Ross - Wikipedia
Dennis B. Ross (born November 26, 1948) is an American diplomat and author. He has served as the Director of Policy Planning in the State Department under President George H. W. Bush, the special Middle East coordinator under President Bill Clinton, and is currently a special adviser for the Persian Gulf and Southwest Asia (which includes Iran) to Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.
Biography
Ross was born in San Francisco and grew up in Marin County. His Jewish mother and Catholic stepfather raised him in a non-religious atmosphere. Ross graduated from University of California, Los Angeles in 1970 and did graduate work there, writing his doctoral dissertation on Soviet decision-making. He later became religiously Jewish after the Six Day War. In 2002 he co-founded the Kol Shalom synagogue in Rockville, Maryland.
During President Jimmy Carter's administration, Ross worked under Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz in the Pentagon. There, he co-authored a study recommending greater U.S. intervention in "the Persian Gulf Region because of our need for Persian Gulf oil and because events in the Persian Gulf affect the Arab-Israeli conflict." During the Reagan administration, Ross served as director of Near East and South Asian affairs in the National Security Council and Deputy Director of the Pentagon's Office of Net Assessment (1982-84).
Ross returned briefly to academia in the 1980s, serving as executive director of the Berkeley-Stanford program on Soviet International Behavior from 1984-1986. In the mid-1980s Ross co-founded with Martin Indyk the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC)-sponsored Washington Institute for Near East Policy ("WINEP"). His first WINEP paper called for appointment of a "non-Arabist Special Middle East envoy" who would "not feel guilty about our relationship with Israel."
In the President George H. W. Bush administration he was director of the United States State Department's Policy Planning Staff, working on U.S. policy toward the former Soviet Union, the reunification of Germany and its integration into NATO, arms control, and the 1991 Gulf War. He also worked with Secretary of State James Baker on convincing Arab and Israeli leaders to attend the 1991 a Middle East peace conference in Madrid, Spain.
Controversies
For background, see Positions on Jerusalem
Ross states in his book The Missing Peace that he and other American negotiators pushed Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barack to accept Palestinian sovereignty over Arab neighborhoods of East Jerusalem during the Middle East Peace Summit at Camp David. Ross wrote part of Barack Obama's speech to AIPAC during the 2008 Presidential campaign, and the speech stated that "Jerusalem is Israel's capital" and that it should not be divided again. The Jerusalem Post reported in November 2008 that, according to Ross, these were "facts." However, Ross stated that the "third point," which is the position of the United States since the Camp David Accords, is that the final status of the city will be resolved by negotiations.Philip Weiss has criticized Ross as actually holding the "Jerusalem Must Not Be Divided" stance. However, journalist
Awards and honors
President Clinton awarded Ross the Presidential medal for "Distinguished Federal Civilian Service" and Secretaries Baker and Albright presented him with the State Department’s highest award. Ross has received the UCLA Medal, the university's highest honor. He has also received honorary doctorates from the Jewish Theological Seminary, Syracuse University and Amherst College
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Ross Is Seeking Engagement With Pressure
Audio
The Post's Glenn Kessler speaks with Emily Kotecki about Dennis Ross, one of the main architects of the Obama administration's Iran policy, and whether his skills and background make him the right person for the job.
Washington Post Staff Writer
Wednesday, June 10, 2009 Diplomatic troubleshooter Dennis Ross is a legendary talker, a specialist in developing peace processes -- long ones. For 12 years, in the first Bush presidency and both terms of the Clinton presidency, he was at the center of the seemingly endless effort to settle the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
As one of the main architects of the Obama administration's Iran policy, Ross is crafting a way to reach out to Iran to persuade its leaders to abandon any plan to develop nuclear weapons. President Obama says this effort will have to show results by the end of the year.
If engagement fails, Ross probably will have to shift course and help devise a blunt-force strategy to accomplish the same goal. That process will also have a deadline: Israel has hinted for years that it would attack Iran to prevent the country from acquiring a nuclear bomb. Ross is undertaking this assignment amid questions in Washington about whether he has sufficient clout in the nascent Obama administration. And in the Middle East, many officials view him as too pro-Israel, raising concerns about whether he is the right person for the job of coaxing the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Even a former colleague, Aaron David Miller, wrote last year that "Dennis, like myself, had an inherent tendency to see the world of Arab-Israeli politics first from Israel's vantage point." Ross has written that his admiration for Israel has not hurt his effectiveness as a negotiator.
Nevertheless, Iranian officials "think any policy will be run through Israel before it gets to them and they will be stuck with policies that are unworkable," said Flynt Leverett, a former National Security Council staff member who recently met with Iranian diplomats. Ross, a serious-minded policy maven who wrote an 800-page memoir on his Arab-Israeli diplomacy, is regarded by friends as warm and empathetic, able to synthesize diverse points of view into a coherent whole. He also is known for giving little hint about what he is thinking. "Dennis never keeps anything written down," said Patrick Clawson, an Iran analyst who worked with Ross at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. Ross, 60, and other State Department officials declined to be interviewed for this article.
But in a new book, Ross and co-author David Makovsky lay out the elements of a strategy for approaching Iran. "Myths, Illusions and Peace: Finding a New Direction for America in the Middle East" recommends the establishment of a "direct, secret back channel" with Iran's leaders before any public talks commence, thus allowing for both sides to have a "thorough discussion and to see whether there is a common agenda that can be constructed." If such talks have taken place, they have not been revealed, but U.S. officials have publicly said they do not think Iran will be able to respond to U.S. initiatives until after presidential elections on Friday.
The book argues for a "hybrid approach," in which the United States seeks to talk to Iran but keeps up the pressure with aggressive enforcement of existing sanctions. "This option ends the image that there is a price just for talking to the United States, but does not give the impression that America has caved in," the men write, arguing that the "hard choices" of stern deterrence or military strikes on Iran would gain greater worldwide acceptance if diplomacy were tried first.
The administration appears to have adopted parts of this approach. Stuart A. Levey, a senior Treasury official Obama retained from the Bush administration, is responsible for a series of U.S. sanctions aimed at the Iranian financial services industry. Levey traveled to European capitals in late March to press allies to fully implement existing sanctions against Iran.
"We have no illusions, we are not naive, this is not something that we approach in an open-ended way. This is about changing the behavior of the regime, not about changing the regime," one senior U.S. official said, speaking on the condition of anonymity.
The Brussels-based International Crisis Group, in a report issued last week, said that an engagement-with-pressure approach "risks triggering a negative Iranian reaction." Instead of adding leverage, as Ross argues, "Iranians perceive [it] as a disingenuous ploy to produce a broad consensus for toughened containment measures under the expectation negotiations will fail."
Ross is a star of the Democratic foreign policy establishment, but his debut in the Obama administration was inauspicious
The official announcement of his appointment as the State Department special adviser for the Persian Gulf and Southwest Asia came in a late-night news release in February, in contrast to the public ceremonies that heralded the appointments of special envoys such as Richard C. Holbrooke and George J. Mitchell. Unlike Holbrooke and Mitchell, he reports only to the secretary of state, not also to the president, suggesting that Ross's views will carry less weight in the administration. Obama's most public outreach to the Iranian government, issuing a videotaped greeting on the occasion of the Persian New Year, was the inspiration of Erica Thibault, a State Department public diplomacy specialist. Her suggestion reached a White House official dealing with Iran policy, who brought it to the attention of senior officials.
But during a recent appearance on Capitol Hill, Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton sought to place Ross at the center of the administration's efforts on Iran. "Right now we are just testing their willingness to have any kind of engagement," she told lawmakers. "Dennis Ross, who is handling our Southwest Asia policy, including Iran, is -- I'm sure you know him -- extremely thoughtful and smart about how to sequence this."
Puneet Talwar, a senior White House aide, has emerged as an important figure on Iran policy, according to several diplomats in contact with the administration. And Undersecretary of State William J. Burns -- who was Ross's deputy in the first Bush administration -- will be the chief negotiator at nuclear talks with Iran.
Ross's most visible action thus far was a trip to the Persian Gulf in late April to reassure anxious Arab officials that the United States would not cut a deal with Iran and abandon them. Many Arab officials are skeptical of Ross because of the perception that he tilted heavily toward Israel during the Clinton years.
Before joining the Obama administration, Ross co-founded a not-for-profit group called United Against Nuclear Iran, whose executive director is Mark Wallace, a Bush administration official. Wallace said the group grew out of discussions with Holbrooke and former CIA director R. James Woolsey about how to achieve bipartisan consensus on the dangers of a nuclear-armed Iran. Wallace declined to reveal the contributors to the group's $2 million budget last year, but two people familiar with the organization said many are pro-Israel advocates. Ross has "a lot of baggage from the past, but his portfolio is different in his new role so it may not matter," said one Arab diplomat, speaking on the condition of anonymity because he was discussing personalities. "We don't trust the Iranians either."
Supporters of Ross argue that his Israeli connections make him the ideal candidate to sell a U.S. agreement with Iran to Israel, which itself has an undeclared nuclear arsenal.
Arab diplomats who attended Ross's presentation or were briefed on it said he provided few specifics on what the Americans planned to do. Many Arab states, especially in the Persian Gulf region, are pushing for maximum pressure on Iran, arguing that the Obama administration's engagement approach might have made sense a few years ago but now that Iran may be on the cusp of acquiring the technology needed to produce a nuclear weapon, endless talking may be fruitless.
"Dennis's approach is very rational," said another Arab diplomat, speaking on the condition of anonymity. "The question is: Are we running out of time?"
European officials ask the same question. A senior French diplomat met this year with Ross and offered words of caution: The biggest challenge for the United States will be how to decide that the talks are going nowhere. "It's difficult to stop talking once you start," the diplomat said.
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